Businesses with at least one paid employee. These are the firms that
create jobs, carry payroll, and show up in most economic statistics.
Nonemployer firms
Businesses with no paid employees — one person working for themselves:
freelancers, contractors, gig drivers, side ventures. Most businesses
in every metro are these.
Widest stable ownership gap
What this profile asks
Who is able to start businesses here? Who scales from working solo
to owning a firm with employees? Who owns the firms with payroll and
receipts — and where do groups show up as workers but not as owners?
Disparities appear here as facts about the region's
structures and data systems — never as evidence that any group lacks
ability or effort. Every chart names whose count it divides by, what
it can support, what it cannot, and what further evidence a stronger
claim would need. The goal is that you can read, question, and
challenge every number on your own terms.
How to read this profile
Starting & sustainingBusiness formation, and the jump from solo work to first payroll.
Ownership & sectorsWho owns employer firms, at what scale, against selectable benchmarks.
Workers vs ownersThe core pattern: present in the workforce, missing among owners.
Capital & marketsWhat public data can — and mostly cannot — say about credit and contracts.
Accountability & actionMechanisms, the institutions that control them, and commitments to watch.
Methods & data qualityDefinitions, suppression, and everything needed to challenge us.
Whether firms started by owners of different groups survive at different
rates in this metro is not observable in any current public dataset.
What would close this gap:
Census firm-dynamics data linked to owner demographics, or a local
longitudinal business registry; neither exists publicly today.
Reading this tab
Two different kinds of data live here, and telling them apart
is the point. The ownership charts describe
people
— who owns
firms, drawn from surveys that ask about the owner. The sector charts describe
the
place
— what kinds of businesses exist here, with no
information about who owns them. Public data cannot yet connect the two at the
metro level: we can see that this region has, say, thousands of construction
establishments, and separately that Black residents own few employer firms, but
not who owns firms in which industries. That missing link is a named data gap
below, not an oversight.
For years, researchers could work with public loan-level small
business lending data that carried local geography. Public access has narrowed
over time, and the federal lending files that remain reliably available report
national totals only — no county, no metro, no borrower demographics. Local
capital access simply cannot be measured from public sources today. That changes
when application-level small business lending data begin arriving under Section
1071 of the Dodd-Frank Act (first collection 2028). Until then, this tab shows
the national picture in detail and names the local gaps honestly.
What is the national volume of SBA-guaranteed lending?
Recent fiscal years in detail
PlaceMeasured
Local lending by owner groupData gap
No application-level small business lending data by owner race exist for this
region in any public file today. Community Reinvestment Act disclosures carry
no borrower demographics, and the demographic fields lenders do collect are
voluntary and mostly unreported.
What would close this gap:
Section 1071 data: mandatory collection begins January 2028, first filings
June 2029 — the first source of local application-level lending by owner group.
Procurement awards by certification statusData gap
The City of Cleveland and Cuyahoga County operate certification programs for
minority- and women-owned businesses, but no current machine-readable series of
contract awards by certification status was located.
What would close this gap:
Annual publication of prime and subcontract awards by certification status — a
proposed commitment in Accountability & action.
Interest rates, collateral, and termsData gap
Loan pricing and collateral requirements by borrower group are unobserved in
every public file covering this region.
What would close this gap:
Pricing fields are not expected in the initial federal collection; voluntary
lender reporting is the only nearer-term path.
Published evidence registry
External evidence
External and local published evidence supporting the
mechanisms examined here. Entries marked self-report describe an institution's
own programs and are not independent validation of its performance. Stale
entries are retained only for historical trajectory.
How to read this section
Each issue connects a regional condition to a hypothesized
mechanism, the evidence for and still missing from that hypothesis, the
institutions that control or influence a relevant process, and a measurable
commitment that could be monitored. No institution is accused of causing a
disparity; institutions are named because they control, fund, administer, or
could report on a process. Every commitment below is
proposed
, not committed — commitments found in published documents would be labeled
as such.
Full framework
Condition of the underlying data
Largest evidence gaps
Capital access:
no local application-level lending data
by owner group exist; federal collection begins 2028. See Capital & markets.
Procurement:
no machine-readable local contract awards by
certification status were located. See Accountability & action.
Survival and transition:
firm survival and
nonemployer-to-employer transition rates by owner group are not published
at the metro level.
Sector ownership:
ownership by industry is suppressed at
the metro level; a state-level version is the first documented extension.
Reading this profile
Denominators differ by design.
The owner surveys describe business
owners
. The workforce
data describe
workers
employed in the metro. The census data
describe
residents
. Establishment, formation, and lending
files describe the
place
. A sector full of Black workers is not a sector full of Black-owned firms;
the distance between those facts is the most useful thing this app shows.
Suppression is never zero.
Cells withheld under federal disclosure rules are nulled in the pipeline and
rendered as suppressed. The tally at right counts them for the selected
metro; validation fails the build if a flagged cell carries a value.
Categories are constructed and imperfectly aligned.
Hispanic origin overlaps race in every source. The owner survey counts White
owners of any ethnicity; the resident benchmark uses White non-Hispanic.
Worker race comes from linked administrative records. Cross-dataset
comparisons are directional, and each panel's metadata names the specific
issue.
Multi-state metros.
Worker data are published as within-state metro portions; this app sums
portions and employment-weights earnings, flagging merged metros in panel
captions.
Units.
Receipts and payroll are reported in $1,000s.